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Though job loss and economic stagnation played a role in his victory, so did shame. The right has been very successful at persuading working people that they are vulnerable not because they themselves have failed, but because of the selfishness of some other villain African-Americans, feminists, immigrants, Muslims, Jews, liberals, progressives; the list keeps growing. Instead of challenging this ideology of shame, the left has buttressed it by blaming white people as a whole for slavery, genocide of the Native Americans and a host of other sins, as though whiteness itself was something about which people ought to be ashamed.

The rage many white working-class people feel in response is rooted in the sense that once again, as has happened to them throughout their lives, they are being misunderstood. So please understand what is happening here. Many Trump supporters very legitimately feel that it is they who have been facing an unfair reality. The upper 20 percent of income earners, many of them quite liberal and rightly committed to the defense of minorities and immigrants, also believe in the economic meritocracy and their own right to have so much more than those who are less fortunate.

So while they may be progressive on issues of discrimination against the obvious victims of racism and sexism, they are blind to their own class privilege and to the hidden injuries of class that are internalized by much of the country as self-blame. Many religious people are drawn by the teachings of their tradition to humane values and caring about the oppressed.

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Yet they often find that liberal culture is hostile to religion of any sort, believing it is irrational and filled with hate. People on the left rarely open themselves to the possibility that there could be a spiritual crisis in society that plays a role in the lives of many who feel misunderstood and denigrated by the fancy intellectuals and radical activists. The racism, sexism and xenophobia used by Mr.

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Trump to advance his candidacy does not reveal an inherent malice in the majority of Americans. Democrats need to become as conscious and articulate about the suffering caused by classism as we are about other forms of suffering. We need to reach out to Trump voters in a spirit of empathy and contrition. Only then can we help working people understand that they do not live in a meritocracy, that their intuition that the system is rigged is correct but it is not by those whom they had been taught to blame and that their pain and rage is legitimate.

By Daniel K. Donald J. Trump was elected with a higher percentage of the white evangelical vote than any other Republican presidential candidate has ever received, and he has received strong support from prominent Christian Right leaders. Yet if Mr. Trump delivers on his promises, he will not give the religious right what its leaders have traditionally demanded or what the Republican Party platform calls for. National legislation has long been the goal of the religious right. When the movement emerged in the late s, evangelical leaders such as Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson sought federal constitutional amendments to ban abortion and restore school prayer, because they wanted to reverse what liberal rights activists had done at the national level through the Supreme Court.


In the early 21st century, leaders such as James Dobson continued this trend by persuading President George W. Bush to endorse a constitutional amendment proposal to define marriage as exclusively heterosexual. In recent years, evangelicals have become so concerned about protecting their own religious liberty against federal mandates or court decisions that they have given less attention to imposing a moral agenda on the rest of the nation.

Although the Republican Party platform continues to promise a constitutional amendment protecting human life from the moment of conception, the pro-life movement has not made any serious attempts to pass that amendment since the s. Nor has there been much talk in the last decade of a national ban on same-sex marriage. Trump is well positioned to promote a further shift away from national moral regulation. And while Mr. Trump stumbled over abortion during his campaign, the policy that he ultimately reverted to was to leave abortion legalization up to the states — an outcome that he would try to ensure by nominating conservative Supreme Court justices who might overturn Roe v.

Trump has gone further than any previous Republican presidential nominee in a generation in insisting that the religious right should enact its agenda at the state, rather than federal, level. Although this was the policy position of many Republicans during the s including President Gerald Ford , religious right activists persuaded the G.

Trump is leading the party back to its more traditional stance. While many liberals will find this outcome unsatisfactory — since it offers them no opportunity to secure national protection for individual rights that they consider inalienable — it may be the only compromise solution that can give both conservatives and liberals the freedom to pursue their own agenda at the local level without fear of a national backlash.

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If a socially libertarian New Yorker can deliver this compromise to the conservative white rural evangelical voters who put him in office, both conservatives and liberals should see that for what it is: a landmark opportunity to move beyond the culture wars. Daniel K. By Marwan Bishara. Trump is elected president of the United States. Now, their apprehension about the president-elect dwarfs their disappointment with President Obama.

For the worse. Poor you, you feel so insecure, vulnerable and fragile.

Like the rest of us. The kind usually associated with strutting generalissimos of Third World nations with their chests covered with made-up, self-awarded medals. Maybe the people of the Middle East will look and realize that you are no longer the Great Democracy to emulate. Indeed, the world. Now, it seems as if the change has flowed the other way. To narrow the range of people entitled to justice and equality before the law.

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And he wants the United States to abandon the costly nation-building in the Middle East. What nation-building? The Arab and Muslim worlds only hope the United States stops contributing to the destruction. Trump does not exactly seem concerned for the wishes of Middle Easterners and their right to live in peace. It sounds more like what he really wants to do is pal around with other strutting, authoritarian types.

Trump has embraced Mr. Instead of Americanizing the Middle East, Mr. Arabs, and Middle Easterners in general, should take one quick look and figure out how to be less dependent on the United States, and how to resolve their conflicts within their own, regional frameworks. Finally, some good news. President Obama has assured us that the sun will rise tomorrow, regardless.

And if the Trump presidency is as bad as I expect it to be — though not so bad that it demolishes democracy entirely — he can be voted out in four years.

By Carol Giacomo. A commitment to human rights has been a fundamental precept of NATO since the alliance was created a half century ago. You would not expect that a founding member would have to be reminded of that fact. Certainly not the United States, for all those years the leader of NATO and an inspirational embodiment of its core values.

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Yet this is where we find ourselves now, the day after Donald Trump won the presidency: In congratulating him on his victory, Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany felt compelled to set conditions for cooperation. He has threatened to ban Muslims from the United States, refuse refugees, deport 11 million undocumented workers and build a wall on the border with Mexico. He has disparaged African Americans, Mexican Americans, women and people with disabilities.

Moreover, Mr. He received no pushback on Wednesday from Theresa May, the British prime minister, who simply congratulated Mr. Trump on his win. By Gil Troy. From coast to coast, half of a divided nation abhorred — and underestimated — the president-elect. The economic dislocation of galloping inflation and the energy crisis produced a nasty campaign. Despite the Democratic panic, Ronald Reagan left America richer and safer after two terms as president.

Reagan defied expectations by turning toward the center.